Voters in South Africa’s 5^th democratic election will mainly be concerned by a 21% unemployment rate, fundamental problems with service provision and the economy’s track for 2009, but for a few climate change will be on their agenda.

The African National Congress (ANC) leader Jacob Zuma is widely anticipated to become the next President of South Africa with a sweeping two thirds majority.  The emergence of the Congress of the People (COPE) and the strengthening power of the Democratic Alliance has reignited the democratic process in South Africa and  polling stations are anticipating record number of voters.  Zuma, a populist anti-apartheid hero has ascended from being a stalwart freedom fighter with the exiled ANC during the apartheid regime to becoming the probable next president.

The manifesto of the ANC focuses on climate change through the promotion of ‘green jobs’ and if successful the ANC must maintain the promise of the resolution made in Polokwane, to ‘develop and invest in programs’ to create the green jobs, especially prudent with South Africa’s high unemployment rate. Ironically despite the huge failings of the ANC in service provision to the poorest citizens of South Africa it is this demographic group which remains stalwart in their support for Zuma and the ANC.

The ANC have framed their focus on climate change on the public works programme on energy efficiency and renewable energy for job provision.  This is where COPE comes out stronger as they aim to ensure the Expanded Public Works Programme must be successful in the creation of work to ‘clean and green’ the environment’.  However their manifesto doesn’t make explicit links to climate change which has to compete against the prioritization on a list of ‘important global challenges’ including reform of the United Nations of transnational organized crime, international terrorism.  Placing climate issues amongst these weighty and largely intangible problems to solve significantly weakens their commitment to earnestly implement climate policy.

If predictions are correct and the Democratic Alliance (DA) is able to secure a victory in the Western Cape, the ‘mother city’ – Cape Town, seriously afflicted by water shortages and predicted declines in the annual winter rainfall may be lucky with a stronger commitment by the DA to climate and energy issues.  These are both mentioned in their manifesto and their commitment to ensuring that South Africa does not wait in its ‘response to the challenges of climate change’ is clear.  If my vote was based on climate policy the DA’s focus on mitigation, which will be fundamental to South Africa, illustrates a better understanding of the importance of a strong climate policy.  Their energy section supports the tariff and a roll out of one million solar water heaters, and ultimately my confidence lies in their understanding of the importance of establishing a price for carbon.

The smaller parties such as the Independent Democrats (ID) have a much clearer stance on climate change than the ANC, for example facing the fact that South Africa is the 14^th greatest emitter of greenhouse emissions and being explicit about the implications – flagging up biodiversity, water and salt- water intrusion impacts as key.  The ID’S manifesto is one of the best in terms of climate policy because of its clear proposition of renewable energy as the solution, and illustrating their appreciation of all forms they discuss ideas of radioactive waste disposal and radiation level studies at Koeberg, South Africa’s only nuclear energy facility.  The ID’s manifesto encapsulates the potential South Africa has in leading a global energy revolution and dominating the market for some technologies, namely solar thermal and solar photovoltaic’s.  Its value also comes in the proposition of applicable, tangible and necessary policy reforms that need to occur for example the ending of Eskom’s monopoly of electricity production, and the importance of implementing feed-in tariffs and investment in research and development into renewable technologies.

The smaller parties are also much more clear in their understanding of the intrinsic links between poverty and climate change, for example the Unites Democratic Movement (UDM) flags up soil erosion, water pollution and deforestation’ as a direct result of climate change.  However for the millions of South Africans that vote in the elections and take advantage of their democratic right, ganined through a tumultuous transition from the apartheid regime, most people will think of their basic individual needs not the collective need of South Africa’s climate.  Therefore Zuma’s personality, his history and character, have struck a chord in the hearts of millions of largely rural and poor voters.  One must put their faith that the largest party, despite having one of the weakest manifesto’s on climate policy will remain true to their statement on green jobs and do good in this way.

An Indian voter with his voter id. Courtesy Flickr/KKalyan

‘We will protect India’s natural environment and take steps to rejuvenate it.’  (Congress party election manifesto).

 ’One earth, green earth: Creating the right environment.’  (BJP party election manifesto)

Consensus in election manifestos is the last thing one would expect during the national elections in India. But as it turns out, India’s leading political parties – from the far right all the way to the left seem to have very similar views on the environment and climate change this election season. 

Three political party election manifestos are examined in this post: the ruling coalition leader, the Indian National Congress; the leading opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP); the Communist Party of India (Marxist). A few common general areas of focus emerge from the manifestos.

Firstly, climate change: building upon last year’s work, the Congress party emphasizes the national action plan as their strong point. Their manifesto reads “It is an acknowledgment of our responsibility to take credible actions within the overall framework of meeting the development aspirations of our people for higher economic growth and a higher standard of living. This action plan will be implemented in letter and spirit.”

Let’s not forget that the missions announced in the action plan highlight the importance of technology transfer and sustainable technology as key drivers of climate change action in India.  The BJP’s manifesto follows on a similar vein but is a little more specific. Arguing that “mitigating the threat by building a low carbon economy is the biggest economic opportunity of the 21st century,” BJP candidates “look at ‘Climate Change’ in the context of the promises made by the international community for technology transfer and additional financing since Rio, which have remained unfulfilled.” The CPI-M too, endorses sustainable technology by calling for “steps to control emission of greenhouse gases through energy efficient technologies and effective regulation; Promoting solar and other non-conventional energy sources”. The CPI-M’s manifesto differs from the rest in that in addition to the common themes, it calls for transparency in the EIA process as well.

The similarities don’t end there. On the subject of water management, the policies are effectively unanimous: strengthening the nation’s water management capacities, cleaning up rivers (the Congress has named the Ganges as a ‘national river’ in order to prioritise it’s sustainable usage, the BJP has pledged to clean all rivers and the CPI-M promises to regulate riverine pollution) and protecting the coastal areas emerge as priorities for all three parties. Biodiversity management and conservation are also common preoccupations that find mention in the manifestos.

 So why is it that these three parties that have such disparate policies on other issues can come together on questions of climate change? Perhaps one reason is that there is very little awareness at the political helm on the subject that would otherwise push these parties to take differing views. This week, the Times of India produced a series of polls on the environment as part of their election coverage. Their statistics note that 81% blame political ignorance and interference for the state of the environment; 46% feeling that politicos are “clueless about the extent of the damage or significance of the problem” and 35% feel that our leaders have “colluded with timber mafia, poachers; added to the problem”. Moreover, neither the Congress-led UPA incumbent coalition nor the BJP led NDA coalition addressed the problem very well; 36% thought the BJP was better than the Congress in this regard, while 26% though the opposite. A little over a third of those asked felt neither party fared well.

Secondly, climate change policy tends to get frequently coupled with other policies (as is the case in the BJP manifesto, where environmental concerns are coupled with national security and development) such as national and energy security, self-sufficiency, investment and development that may require different priorities. As such political parties lack a long term sustainable vision in this regard. It is easier to lie low on environmental issues as they aren’t really hot election topics. 

As I’ve mentioned before, beyond issues of pollution, wildlife conservation and ecology, environmental awareness in India has been fairly limited. Forget about the politicos – beyond specific fora, there is very little debate or awareness on the subject in the public domain. Nevertheless, lest there be too much negativity in this post, environmental issues, whether in the garb of rapid developmental externalities or as cost saving concerns, are creeping into the political mainstream. The national action plan drawn out by the Congress stood apart from previous environmental action as it came at a time when there was a lot of international pressure on India to take a stand on the issue, and awareness on climate change was slowly filtering into the minds of young urban Indians (Indeed, the inclusion of the environment in this election’s manifestos has been seen by many as a way of attracting India’s youth). Perhaps there was also a desire to cash in on the investment potential. 

So where next? According to the poll, 63% of the people questioned call for better administration on environmental issues. One hopes this burgeoning public and political awareness will bring increasing scrutiny on the environmental performance of which ever government wins at the polls. The Congress’ action plan came out a year ago and we are yet to see any remarkable action. If they win, will their environmental policies develop or will they remain platitudes? Will a BJP led government stick to its promises? At the very least, hopefully an inclusive debate on the subject with a long term national perspective will ensue.  

 

 

Electricity woes. Photo Courtesy Berni???/Flickr

 Bangalore hasn’t been the best of cities to stay in these past few days. Reeling under the burden of a severe power crisis, multiple endless unscheduled power cuts crippled the IT city and the southern state of Karnataka. Falling right in the middle of unseasonably hot weather, end of year exams and pre-election momentum, these daylong power cuts has hampered day to day living, so much that people – including young students – have taken to the streets protesting the lack of electricity.

So what’s the short term answer to the problem?

In order to beat the power crisis and perhaps the polls too, the state asked Karnataka’s power corporation (Karnataka Power Corporation Limited – KPCL) to step up power generation from its hydel reserves. But, as the corporation’s Managing Director pointed out, while this might solve the problem in the short run, it could trigger a much larger problem later on. For, if the KPCL falls back on its water reserves generate greater power output and if the monsoon fails or is late, these reserves might not replenish in time, affecting production for the whole year.  The Economic Times also notes that the Chief Minister has asked his Gujarati counterpart to spare some power for the state.

So what’s the sustainable answer to the problem?

One avenue the government is looking at is alternate energy sources. Karnataka’s hydel sources are already stretched to the limit and according to this report, Karnataka has set itself a target of 5450 MW from renewable sources by 2012 and 11700 MW by 2018. Bringing down the cost of renewable energy will be the real challenge, if the demand for power tariff revision by (mostly private) renewable energy generators is taken into consideration.

Coupled with new energy sources, the KPCL is also looking to create more awareness on energy management and renewable energy. This too will be an uphill task as a recent survey of urban Bangaloreans showed that the large majority of the citizens are not environmentally conscious and while they demand better services, they aren’t willing to pay more for it or do their bit in conserving what little there is.

Karnataka aims to be energy secure by 2013. In order for this to happen all the stakeholders – public, private, consumers and suppliers need to find a middle ground. A long term vision of conservation, awareness and energy management along with sustainable long term policies and the promotion of different renewable energy sources is required in order to overcome this power crisis. And in the meantime, the vicious cycle of unscheduled loadshedding, citizen apathy and government shortsightedness will continue.

The Baglihar Dam on the Chenab (photo credit:Reuters)

It’s an election year and India’s opposition party has begun setting its agenda on green issues. The National Democratic Alliance’s LK Advani yesterday pledged to make access to drinking water a fundamental right and water conservation a fundamental duty for all Indians. Moreover, key elements of Mr Advani’s campaign will be fighting terrorism and climate change, because “the “destruction of environment” was another form of terrorism.” Nevertheless, going beyond rhetoric and election soundbites, India needs to properly integrate its water resources and set up better regulatory mechanisms that monitor water use efficiency.

Water: the story so far

The question of water security in India is not new, nor is restricted to within India’s borders. But India’s exploding energy needs are pushing the need for water security to the fore. Water management is vital to maintaining India’s growth rate as well as one of India’s biggest obstacles. The government notes that “in order to fuel a sustained 8% annual growth […] basic capacities in the energy sector and related physical infrastructure such as rail, ports, road and water grow by factors of 3 to 7 times by 2031-2032.”

India’s water situation looks bleak. India’s industrial zones are located in water stressed zones. Poor water storage capacities and heavy subsidies given to the agricultural sector have resulted in excessive water wastage and over exploitation of ground water. Furthermore, India is still very dependent on the weather, melting glaciers and patchy monsoons spelling doom for the economy. Rampant urban growth has caused the sudden depletion of wetland areas in many parts: for example, of the 261 lakes in and around Bangalore city in 1961, only 34 remain.

Politicizing water

With such urgent water needs, it is no wonder that water has become politicised at every level – from the city to the state right up to the national and even international level.

Take, for example, the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Despite great untapped hydro-electric potential, J&K suffers from severe power shortages. Projects on Jammu and Kashmir’s primary rivers are restricted by the Indus Waters Treaty which split the rights to the Indus and its tributaries between India and Pakistan equitably.

Two days ago, a tender was awarded for the construction of the 330 MW Kishan Ganga Hydroelectric power project in which will be built on an Indian tributary (the Kishan Ganga) of the Jhelum River. Recalling Pakistan’s strong reservations on the Baglihar Dam project on the Indian side of the Chenab River in 2005 (the dispute went to the World Bank for neutral adjudication) and the Tulbul project which was abandoned in the 1980s due to Pakistan’s objections, India is pushing to complete its project before it falls prey to this political minefield. But this is where the dispute gets interesting. Pakistan has announced a similar project on the Pakistani side of the Jhelum because according to the treaty, the country that completes the project first will win the rights to the river. And so, despite costing 68% more than foreseen, India has pulled out all the stops to get the project finished first.

Nationally, the incumbent coalition is reluctant to implement a project meant to interlink India’s major rivers that was initiated by the opposition. Indian states are notorious for fighting over water rights (remember the Cauvery river water dispute between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu that dragged on for over a decade?) forcing the central government to arbitrate settlements on a number of occasions. Most of the major metropolitan areas, are also increasingly facing acute water shortages. Mismanagement of resources, unbalanced growth and inequitable distribution, soaring demands and corruption are just a few reasons behind these recurring issues. Water is surely a political issue, but it keeps falling prey to unnecessary politicisation which results in the common man losing out.

Going beyond rhetoric

India needs to properly integrate its water resources and set up better regulatory mechanisms that monitor water use efficiency. To fully develop its hydropower capacities, it will have to resolve a number of issues: water rights, displacement of people due to water projects, environmental consequences of hydropower projects. Additionally, India will have to greatly increase its water storage capacities, keeping in mind the fact that although storage schemes may make economic sense, they are often politically volatile.

In terms of renewable energy alternatives such as ethanol or biodiesel, India will have to devise alternate methods of production that are not water intensive. Finally, although India has decided to set up a National Water Mission as part of its climate change initiative, water is essentially still a state issue and so states need to step up. Environmental audits need to be taken seriously. Only in states like Himachal Pradesh, where the environment is crucial to their very survival is a climate change policy being drawn out.

This is a big year for India: the national elections are coming up, various green energy summits are being hosted and the private sector is gearing up as well. We’ll just have to see if India’s water woes are addressed, or will they once again become a rarely kept election promise.